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Vol 5, No. 1           Jan - Mar 2010





Post-Copenhagen Scenarios

India’s Options and Interests


SHYAM SARAN: Former Foreign Secretary and till recently the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy on Climate Change.

Climate Change: The Road to Cancun, Mexico

In my view, the objective was not the conclusion of a substantive outcome but to use COP‑15 to eviscerate UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol and create a new legal basis for a global climate change regime. If success was achieved in getting a congenial “political” agreement, this could become the template for a new legal agreement which could supersede, or even replace, the existing Climate Treaty and Protocol….


P.K. GAUTAM: Research Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi

Getting the Science Right in the Public Domain

Due to the complex nature of the science, uncertainty will remain. Energy efficiency, renewable energy, non-polluted air and water, sufficient food with preservation of forests and biodiversity are all desirable goals. These could well be understood as manifestations of good governance. With the current public doubts on the inadequacies and common sense errors in the science of climate change it may be worthwhile to first have India-specific data on Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change  . …


MUKUL SANWAL: The author has worked at the policy level in the Government of India and in the UN Climate Change Secretariat

Turning a Crisis into an Opportunity

The Copenhagen Accord, by shifting the focus to “what” has to be done from “how” it should be done, has redefined the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in terms of burden sharing. As future increases in global emissions of carbon dioxide will come from developing countries, they have to be innovative in modifying growth pathways in order to achieve sustainable development, and must now develop their vision of a climate-constrained future to impact on global trends  …..




LORD BHIKHU PAREKH: A former Vice-Chancellor of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baron Parekh taught at the London School of Economics, the University of Glasgow, University of Hull and at the University of Westminster. He was appointed a life peer in 2000 as Baron Parekh. He was awarded Padma Bhushan by Government of India in 2007

India’s Place in the World

In so far as I can see, India will not be content to be an economically and militarily strong state because it believes that it represents something; and it also believes that the world of which it is a part is shaped by others and it is compelled to live by the rules and norms that others have set for it. …. Since India can play a global role, wants to play that role and should play it in the years to come, I want to turn to the most significant question – What are we entitled to expect from this? What should be India’s guiding principles? And how should it arrange its own affairs, such that it can play that role effectively? ….

Edited version of the transcript of the address delivered at the ‘Annual Lecture’ of the Association of Indian Diplomats on 8 January 2010 at ‘Sapru House’, New Delhi.

Edited transcript of the Lecture


SANJEEB KUMAR MOHANTY and J.N. MAHANTY: Sanjeeb Kumar Mohanty is a Post-Doctoral Research Scholar in Berhampur University, Orissa. J.N. Mahanty is a Professor in the Post-Graduate Department of Political Science, Berhampur University, Orissa.

The ‘Moderate Taliban’ Theory: The Indian Dilemma

There are several reasons for India’s uneasiness about the prospect of the United States negotiating with the so-called moderate Taliban. First, India believes that the Taliban is wedded to a fundamentalist ideology. …. the Taliban idea of a state is merely the political expression of its conservative social vision. A regressive social agenda will prevent people from making full use of the opportunities offered by a democratic state. The Taliban’s comeback means brutal governance, a paralysed economy, international isolation and a denial of basic human rights. ….


SAURABH KUMAR: The author was till recently India’s Ambassador to Austria, IAEA, UNIDO and UNOV.

Striving for a Nuclear Weapon Free World

 As regards the practical difficulties against the very notion of abolition of nuclear weapons, most observers of the international scene would readily confess to scepticism. Mainly, the nuclear weapon states would not want to sign away what they believe to be the source of their hegemony. Their declared defence doctrines and strategies place heavy reliance upon nuclear weapons. ….


ARUN MOHANTY: Associate Professor at School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Indo-Russian Strategic Partnership in the 21st Century

India and Russia are, perhaps, the only two major powers in the world who gain confidence from each other’s growing strength. Their bilateral relations are remarkable for continuity with change, consistency and stability, and have, by and large, escaped the vicissitudes that generally flow from political fluctuation in countries that are partners in such relationship. Their relationship has been assiduously built on a virtual national consensus in both countries.




From Nuclear Apartheid to Nuclear Deal: The First Steps

Ambassador K. Raghunath, Foreign Secretary during an eventful period of India’s diplomatic history, recalls the background and aftermath of the May 1998 nuclear tests, which represented a crucial step forward in the development of our national security and foreign policy. The narration includes a recapitulation of international reactions, and how the large adverse element was managed, as well as the dialogue with different countries. He also reflects on the significance of the tests, as seen against the larger canvas of India’s nuclear history, including the events of the subsequent decade, culminating in the Indo-US civil nuclear deal.

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The Unmaking of Nepal by R.S.N. Singh



Pakistan’s Military and its Strategy by Shalini Chawla



India’s Energy Security edited by Ligia Noronha and Anant Sudarshan



India’s Foreign Policy: Problems and Prospects edited by Sumit Ganguly


Vol 5, No. 2          Apr - Jun 2010





Post NPT Review Conference 2010:

India’s Choices and Concerns


ARUNDHATI GHOSE: Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations Offices at Geneva.

India and the NPT will Remain Strangers for the Foreseeable Future

It is clear that India and the NPT will remain strangers for the foreseeable future. With the 2008 NSG waiver, however, much of the disadvantage regarding access to nuclear fuel and technology has been diluted. ……The fact is that the NPT is still alive, however fragile it might be, and is the only treaty in the nuclear field in which some basic concerns of India are addressed: nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, nuclear security and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.


MANPREET SETHI: Senior Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.

No Reason for India to be on the Defensive

With its unblemished record on non-proliferation, in contrast to the other two NPT hold-outs, there is no reason for India to be on the defensive. Rather, it would do India well to publicly endorse the principle of the NPT while exhorting treaty members to resolve the internal contradictions that weaken it.


RAJESH RAJAGOPALAN: Professor at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

India Needs to Seek a New Compact with the Non-proliferation Order

India needs to seek a new compact with the global nuclear non-proliferation order. Such an arrangement will not be a formal one but one in which both the elements of the nuclear non-proliferation regime as well as India take deliberate steps to strengthen the global nuclear order. We have little interest in a world with more nuclear powers or one in which terrorists might potentially seek and acquire nuclear weapons.


N.S. SISODIA, A. VINOD KUMAR : Director General; and Associate Fellow, respectively at Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi.

Proactive Engagement for Greater Integration

In the emerging scenario, proactive engagement with the NPT community would offer opportunities for exploring greater integration with the regime. As a part of the regime India may be able to play a more effective role to bring about structural corrections as a key player within the system rather than as an outlier. It was perhaps easier for India to remain outside of the NPT system by not being an important player in the regime. However, the nuclear deal and India’s legitimate desire to play a constructive role in the relevant fora, including the NSG, have altered this condition.




K. SUBRAHMANYAM: The author is a senior strategic analyst and former Director of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. The article is based on a lecture delivered at the Association of Indian Diplomats, Sapru House, New Delhi.

Prospects for A Nuclear-Weapons-Free World

All that one can say on the current debate on the issue is to quote President Barack Obama’s Prague speech where he admitted, “Maybe it will not happen in our lifetime.” He was talking about his own lifetime and he is in his late forties. …Therefore, we have to take into account that the probability of seeing a world without nuclear weapons is not very bright, not only during our generation, perhaps even during the next generation.


DILIP LAHIRI: The author, a former Ambassador of India to Italy, was the leader of the Indian delegation to the 1998 Diplomatic Plenipotentiary Conference at Rome which negotiated the ICC Statute.

The International Criminal Court: Should India Continue to Stay Out?

How serious are Indian concerns at being politically targeted in the ICC if it joined? This was the primary reason for the strong opposition of the armed forces and security authorities to India supporting the ICC. … Even if India is not ready to join, it should move towards a posture of constructive engagement with the ICC.


V.S. SESHADRI: The author is a member of the Indian Foreign Service. The article, however, reflects his personal views and not necessarily those of the government.

Economic Diplomacy Challenges in the New Decade

It is too early to predict if India’s growth during the new decade will significantly change its place in the world order. To be sure, India’s current efforts are not really directed at becoming a No. 2 or No. 3 economy in the world, but more at bringing the benefits of development to all its people and to eradicate poverty among its citizens at the earliest.


CHINTAMANI MAHAPATRA: Professor of American Studies Programme, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

The United States and the Emerging Balance of Power in Asia

While the era of unbridled US hegemony in Asia appears to be ending, the new balance of power is yet to crystallize. It will perhaps take quite a while before a durable new Asian balance of power is in place. But the indications of a new era in the making are discernible. What are the distinguishing features of this new era? Who are the new main players in Asian politics and economics? What will be their equations with the United States?


BINODA KUMAR MISHRA: Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata.

Cooperation and Discord in India-China Relationship: Key to the Future of South and South-East Asia

Four Cs characterize the Sino-Indian relationship, namely, Conflict, Cooperation, Competition and Containment. … Objectively, both would help themselves well if they cooperate. But the aspiration to great-power status and the historical issues seem to weigh heavy on their minds.




 The India-Taipei Association: A Mission Extraordinaire

Ambassador Vinod C. Khanna, the First Director General of the India-Taipei Association, the de facto Indian Mission to Taiwan, narrates the nuances in India’s diplomatic undertaking there. He states: The first and most important thing is that it was an unusual mission. It was not like any other diplomatic mission. This was entirely different because I was not there as India’s accredited envoy to a sovereign state. .... Evolving the precise relationship with the Taiwanese government was a delicate matter. .... The problem was how to ensure an optimal middle path – have a productive relationship with the local government without giving it “diplomatic” colour.

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India’s Nuclear Debate: Exceptionalism and the Bomb by Priyanjali Malik



U.S. Policy Towards India: A Post Cold War Study by Amulya Kumar Tripathy and Rabi Narayan Tripathy



Caring for Democracy in Bangladesh by Sreeradha Dutta



A History of Bangladesh by Willem Van Schendel



Vol 5, No. 3                    Jul - Sep 2010





 India, Russia and the Shift in Global Balance Of Power


Anuradha M. Chenoy: Professor, Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

Does Russia Matter in India’s Foreign Policy?:

Indian foreign policy is in transition and the debate on how it can leverage its foreign policy to improve its international position is inconclusive. Russia can still provide a viable alternative, where India should maintain its choices. India’s ambition and potential for great-power status will require Russian support. Building regional alliances, and being proactive in organizations like the SCO and CICA are sure roads for broadening the Indo-Russian relation into a broader regional multilateral one as a factor in multipolarity. India cannot be in search of a shadowy concept of great power which is subordinate to the US superpower in critical areas.


Prakash Nanda: Editor, Geopolitics magazine, New Delhi.

A Time-tested Partnership:

It is logical ... for India to cultivate and nurture its relationship with Russia in the context of historical experience, current policy orientations and tangible mutuality of interests and mutual benefits in the foreseeable future. Realism requires that Russia remains a country of top priority in India’s external dealings. To borrow a Russian proverb, “old friends are better than new ones.” of power.


Vijay Sakhuja: Director (Research) Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.

A Catalyst for India’s Military Industrial Complex:

Despite the occasional setbacks, both India and Russia have conveyed to the international community that their time-tested relationship has deep foundations and they respect each other’s national interests. The military cooperation has transformed from simple sale of weaponry from Russia to India to joint development of new technologies, weapon systems and platforms. India stands to benefit immensely from the Russian military market, which can act as a catalyst for the augmentation of India’s military industrial complex.




Oliver Stuenkel: Visiting Professor of International Relations, University of Săo Paulo (USP), Brazil, and Fellow at the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), Berlin, Germany.

The Case for Stronger Brazil-India Relations

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Brazil’s efforts to fortify its relations with India are part of a broader goal to strengthen ties with other developing nations. South-South diplomacy has been a hallmark of the Lula administration. While it would be simplistic to reduce Brazil-India ties to the personal predilection of Brazil’s current President, it is true that it is under President Lula that the Brazilian government’s efforts to engage with India have reached a historic high. As Lula is preparing his political exit, it is India’s responsibility to preserve his legacy and make the partnership last.


Rajaram Panda and Shamshad A. Khan: Senior Fellow and Research Assistant, respectively, at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

China and the South China Sea: Future Power Projections

China’s rise, both economically and militarily, has aroused serious academic curiosity in Asia, US and Europe. China has already replaced Japan as the world’s second-biggest economic power and aspires to replace the US as No. 1. In its race towards economic prosperity, China has tried to extend its sphere of influence across the globe by investment strategies in resource projects and port development activities. By asserting claims on territories in its neighbourhood where other countries too have competing claims, it has generated fear. Debate centering on whether China’s rise is peaceful and benign or pregnant with uncertainties remains inconclusive. China’s cooperation with “rogue states” such as North Korea or clandestine deals with Pakistan raise uncomfortable questions.


Nivedita Das Kundu: Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.

Geopolitical and Economic Significance of Central Eurasia - Indian Perspective

India’s relation with Central Eurasia is very strong mainly because of its civilizational links with the region. India has deep interest in the region as it lies in its extended neighbourhood and also due to its security concerns and energy requirements. India maintains a relatively high profile in the region because of its longstanding special relationship with the erstwhile Soviet Union and its links with Central Eurasia in terms of age-old trade and economic relations through the Silk Route. Research interest in Central Eurasia has grown over the past few years in India, including their nationalism policy, their civil society organizations and urban development. India has been active in Central Eurasia, although China was quicker off the mark in developing a close relationship with post-Soviet Central Eurasia.

N. Manoharan: Senior Fellow, Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi.

Post-Conflict India-Sri Lanka Relations - With Lions, Without Tigers

Post-LTTE India-Sri Lanka relations have reached an unprecedented level of depth and quality. The violent phase of the ethnic conflict in the island that stood as a constant source of irritation in the bilateral relations has ended with the military defeat of the LTTE. The ethnic issue, however, lingers on. India has time and again conveyed its willingness to do whatever is required for satisfactory resolution of the ethnic question that meets the sentiments of all the communities of Sri Lanka. Not limiting itself to voicing its concerns, New Delhi should make sure that Colombo seriously moves forward in resolving the ethnic issue at the earliest. Simultaneously, India should constantly provide resources required for the resettlement of the IDPs in the short term and invest in the economic development of the war-ravaged northeast of Sri Lanka. This will not only ensure that another armed conflict does not occur, but also open up immense economic opportunities for India.


RAJESWARI PILLAI RAJAGOPALAN: Senior Fellow at the Institute of Security Studies (ISS), Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

Drivers of Obama’s AfPak Policy - An Indian View

If Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s November 2009 meeting with President Barack Obama was all about China, his April 2010 meeting was almost entirely focused on AfPak and Indo-Pak issues. These issues gained a fresh lease particularly after a leaked report by the Wall Street Journal (5 April 2010) of a secret directive issued by Obama which sought a resolution of the Indo-Pak issue without which the US would not be able to get full cooperation from Pakistan in the global war on terror (GWOT), particularly in Afghanistan. The report noted that the directive “concluded that India must make resolving its tensions with Pakistan a priority for progress to be made on US goals in the region.” Obama’s conviction that finding a solution to the Kashmir issue is almost a prerequisite for getting Pakistan’s support for GWOT worries India. 




Representing India during the Vietnam Conundrum

P. K. Budhwar


Ambassador Prem Kumar Budhwar was a young Indian Foreign Service officer doing his posting in North Vietnam in the early 1970’s. He manned the small Indian diplomatic mission almost all alone and saw through many things at the height of war in Vietnam and India’s relations with that country.

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ISHANI NASKAR, Department of Political Science, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata

Subir Bhaumik, Troubled Periphery: Crisis of India’s North East, (New Delhi: Sage, 2009), Pages: 305, Price: Rs. 695.00


VISHNU PRIYA, Reader in Political Science, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi

Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy, (New Delhi: Sage, 2009), Pages: xx+317, Price: Rs. 595.00.



India’s Foreign Policy: The Democracy Dimension, (Delhi: Foundation Books, 2009), Pages: vii+178,


ANUSHREE BHATTACHARYYA, Research Associate, National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi

K.V. Kesavan and Daljit Singh, eds, South and Southeast Asia: Responding to Changing Geo-Political and Security Challenges, (New Delhi: Knowledge World, 2010), Pages: 166, Price: Rs. 440.00.


Vol 5, No. 4                          Oct - Dec 2010




 Political Developments and

Evolving Security Scenarios in Nepal

ASHOK K MEHTA: Former commander of the Indian Peace Keeping Forces in Sri Lanka, frequent commentator on Nepal and Srilanka

Current Impasse is a Betrayal by Maoists

Nepal’s peace process, it seems, has been held hostage by the commanding majority of 238 Maoist lawmakers in the Constituent Assembly. Is the current impasse betrayal by Maoists of the peace process? The simplistic answer is yes. But the situation could have been less bad had the political parties acted more responsibly in the run-up to the elections and after. India, which was the catalyst to the political process, mishandled the Maoists, failing to address their insecurities. …

NISHCHAL N. PANDEYDirector, Centre for South Asian Studies, Kathmandu

The Change of Generation Need to be Grasped by Policymakers

Almost all salient aspects of India-Nepal relations of the last five decades are under scrutiny by both the political parties and parliament, whether it is the open border system, agreement on water resources or the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950. The challenges and opportunities emanating from this change of generation not only in Nepal but also in India need to be grasped by policymakers of both countries. …


K. V. RAJANFormer Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs and was also Ambassador to Nepal

India to Accept Maoists as Important Players

India has no option but to accept the fact that the Maoists will be important political players in Nepal for the foreseeable future, and this grim reality cannot be wished away. Their cooperation in saving the peace process and writing of the Constitution is indispensable. India is in any case conscious of its limitations in trying to influence the course of events in that country. India cannot replace, or be seen as replacing, its earlier “two-pillar” policy (of supporting the constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy) with a new twin-pillar approach which bars the Maoists from a second chance in the power structure and restricts Nepal from expanding its relations with China.





SWASHPAWAN SINGH: Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations Office, Geneva

The Politics of Multilateralism: The Geneva Story

The UN has grown in size, the scope of issues it addresses, its geographic spread, the number of conferences and meetings organized and the number of personnel it employs: but its effectiveness and ability to deliver remain a matter of concern. The need for reform is widely recognized: several efforts have been made to change methods of work, procedures, financing arrangements, delivery mechanisms and accountability criteria. But the outcomes have been less than satisfactory: the required structural and systemic reform has still to happen.


RAMASWAMY R. IYER: Formerly Secretary Water Resources, Government of India and the initiator and principal draftsman of India’s first National Water Policy in 1987)

Our Water Future

There are a number of perspectives on water. What dominated initially was engineering; then it was engineering plus economics. Now, we have to subordinate both engineering and economics to ecology and social justice. Combining ecology and social justice in one overarching perspective, we might call it dharma (responsibility) – responsibility to other people, other groups, other countries, future generations, to nature. Some might say this is unrealistic: what then is realistic? …


SANJAY PULIPAKA: Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata

Elections in Myanmar: Implications for India

Apart from institutional diversity, India will have to deal with consequences that emanate from the electoral performance of the ethnic parties. Sub-regional ethnic parties have also made their presence felt. The long-term implications of the emergence of ethnic parties in the electoral arena of Myanmar need to be studied in greater detail, especially given that these ethnic parties have been articulating their ethnic identities and the need for political processes to protect and promote them. …


LAKHAN MEHROTRA: Formerly Secretary in India’s Ministry of External Affairs and the United Nations Envoy in Cambodia and Indonesia

South Asia: A way Forward

We cannot face the world with just pride and dignity unless we eliminate the hydra of poverty that stalks our region. Each country of our region has the responsibility to concentrate on this theme individually and in concert with regional partners. SAARC should take the lead in promoting collaborative efforts to achieve poverty alleviation. It should be possible for SAARC member states to spare a proportion of their national allocations to meet the challenge of poverty for SAARC’s collaborative efforts to that end. …


SHALENDRA D. SHARMA: Professor, University of San Francisco

US-India Nuclear Deal: The Saga of the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill

No doubt, the efficacy of India’s legislation on civil liability for nuclear damages will ultimately be determined by the nuclear industry, both international and domestic. The yardstick will be the cost of doing business in India. Even the Nuclear Power Corporation of India, responsible for operating the country’s nuclear reactors, as well as the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) have pointed out that under legislation the cost of producing nuclear power will be higher in India as the suppliers must have hefty insurance to cover their liabilities. … 




The (Hi)story of one Lakh Visas



Mani Shankar Aiyar, former member of the Indian Foreign Service, former Minister in the Union Cabinet and at present a member of the upper house of the Indian Parliament, was tasked with the assignment of opening India’s Consulate General in Karachi in December 1978, after the Assistant High Commission had been closed down in December 1971 during the Bangladesh war. He recounts here his experiences as India’s Consul General, including the decision to issue hundreds of visas every day, his interaction with the people and leadership of Pakistan, and reflections on India-Pakistan relations in those years.

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Rajaram Panda and Pankaj Jha - Eds, India and New Zealand: Emerging Challenges



Hermann Kulke, K. Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja, Nagapatnam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on Chola Naval Expeditions to South East Asia



Bob Woodward, Obama’s War – The Inside Story



Harsh V. Pant, Indian Foreign Policy in a Unipolar World