Vol 5, No. 1
Jan - Mar 2010
India’s Options and
SHYAM SARAN: Former Foreign Secretary and till recently the Prime Minister’s
Special Envoy on Climate Change.
Climate Change: The Road to
In my view, the objective was not the conclusion of a substantive
outcome but to use COP‑15 to eviscerate UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol
and create a new legal basis for a global climate change regime. If success
was achieved in getting a congenial “political” agreement, this could
become the template for a new legal agreement which could supersede, or
even replace, the existing Climate Treaty and Protocol….
Research Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies
and Analyses, New Delhi
Getting the Science Right
in the Public Domain
Due to the complex nature of the science, uncertainty will remain.
Energy efficiency, renewable energy, non-polluted air and water, sufficient
food with preservation of forests and biodiversity are all desirable goals.
These could well be understood as manifestations of good governance. With
the current public doubts on the inadequacies and common sense errors in
the science of climate change it may be worthwhile to first have India-specific
data on Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change . …
MUKUL SANWAL: The author has worked at the policy level in the Government of India
and in the UN Climate Change Secretariat
Turning a Crisis into an
The Copenhagen Accord, by shifting the focus to “what” has to be done
from “how” it should be done, has redefined the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in terms of
burden sharing. As future increases in global emissions of carbon
dioxide will come from developing countries, they have to be innovative in
modifying growth pathways in order to achieve sustainable development, and
must now develop their vision of a climate-constrained future to impact on
global trends …..
LORD BHIKHU PAREKH: A former Vice-Chancellor
of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baron Parekh taught at the
London School of Economics, the University of Glasgow, University of Hull
and at the University of Westminster. He was appointed a life peer in 2000
as Baron Parekh. He was awarded Padma Bhushan by Government of India in
India’s Place in the World
In so far as I can see,
India will not be content to be an economically and militarily strong state
because it believes that it represents something; and it also believes that
the world of which it is a part is shaped by others and it is compelled to
live by the rules and norms that others have set for it. …. Since India can
play a global role, wants to play that role and should play it in the years
to come, I want to turn to the most significant question – What are we
entitled to expect from this? What should be India’s guiding principles?
And how should it arrange its own affairs, such that it can play that role
version of the transcript of the address delivered at the ‘Annual Lecture’
of the Association of Indian Diplomats on 8 January 2010 at ‘Sapru House’,
Edited transcript of the Lecture
SANJEEB KUMAR MOHANTY and J.N. MAHANTY: Sanjeeb Kumar Mohanty is a Post-Doctoral
Research Scholar in Berhampur University, Orissa. J.N. Mahanty is a
Professor in the Post-Graduate Department of Political Science, Berhampur
The ‘Moderate Taliban’ Theory: The Indian Dilemma
There are several
reasons for India’s uneasiness about the prospect of the United States
negotiating with the so-called moderate Taliban. First, India believes that
the Taliban is wedded to a fundamentalist ideology. …. the Taliban idea of
a state is merely the political expression of its conservative social
vision. A regressive social agenda will prevent people from making full use
of the opportunities offered by a democratic state. The Taliban’s comeback
means brutal governance, a paralysed economy, international isolation and a
denial of basic human rights. ….
SAURABH KUMAR: The author was till recently India’s Ambassador to Austria, IAEA,
UNIDO and UNOV.
Striving for a Nuclear Weapon Free World
As regards the practical difficulties
against the very notion of abolition of nuclear weapons, most observers of
the international scene would readily confess to scepticism. Mainly, the
nuclear weapon states would not want to sign away what they believe to be
the source of their hegemony. Their declared defence doctrines and
strategies place heavy reliance upon nuclear weapons. ….
ARUN MOHANTY: Associate Professor at School of International Studies, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi.
Indo-Russian Strategic Partnership in the 21st Century
India and Russia are,
perhaps, the only two major powers in the world who gain confidence from
each other’s growing strength. Their bilateral relations are remarkable for
continuity with change, consistency and stability, and have, by and large,
escaped the vicissitudes that generally flow from political fluctuation in
countries that are partners in such relationship. Their relationship has
been assiduously built on a virtual national consensus in both countries.
From Nuclear Apartheid to Nuclear Deal: The First
Ambassador K. Raghunath, Foreign Secretary during
an eventful period of India’s diplomatic history, recalls the background
and aftermath of the May 1998 nuclear tests, which represented a crucial
step forward in the development of our national security and foreign
policy. The narration includes a recapitulation of international reactions,
and how the large adverse element was managed, as well as the dialogue with
different countries. He also reflects on the significance of the tests, as
seen against the larger canvas of India’s nuclear history, including the
events of the subsequent decade, culminating in the Indo-US civil nuclear
DHRUV C. KATOCH
Unmaking of Nepal by R.S.N. Singh
Military and its Strategy by Shalini Chawla
Energy Security edited by Ligia Noronha and Anant Sudarshan
Foreign Policy: Problems and Prospects edited by Sumit Ganguly
5, No. 2 Apr
- Jun 2010
Post NPT Review Conference 2010:
India’s Choices and Concerns
GHOSE: Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to
the United Nations Offices at Geneva.
India and the
NPT will Remain Strangers for the Foreseeable Future
is clear that India and the NPT will remain strangers for the foreseeable
future. With the 2008 NSG waiver, however, much of the disadvantage
regarding access to nuclear fuel and technology has been diluted. ……The
fact is that the NPT is still alive, however fragile it might be, and is
the only treaty in the nuclear field in which some basic concerns of India
are addressed: nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, nuclear security and
the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
SETHI: Senior Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.
No Reason for
India to be on the Defensive
its unblemished record on non-proliferation, in contrast to the other two
NPT hold-outs, there is no reason for India to be on the defensive. Rather,
it would do India well to publicly endorse the principle of the NPT while
exhorting treaty members to resolve the internal contradictions that weaken
RAJAGOPALAN: Professor at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi.
to Seek a New Compact with the Non-proliferation Order
needs to seek a new compact with the global nuclear non-proliferation
order. Such an arrangement will not be a formal one but one in which
both the elements of the nuclear non-proliferation regime as well as India
take deliberate steps to strengthen the global nuclear order. We have
little interest in a world with more nuclear powers or one in which
terrorists might potentially seek and acquire nuclear weapons.
A. VINOD KUMAR : Director
General; and Associate Fellow, respectively at Institute for Defence
Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi.
Engagement for Greater Integration
the emerging scenario, proactive engagement with the NPT community would
offer opportunities for exploring greater integration with the regime. As a
part of the regime India may be able to play a more effective role to bring
about structural corrections as a key player within the system rather than
as an outlier. It was perhaps easier for India to remain outside of the NPT
system by not being an important player in the regime. However, the nuclear
deal and India’s legitimate desire to play a constructive role in the
relevant fora, including the NSG, have altered this condition.
SUBRAHMANYAM: The author is a senior strategic analyst and former Director
of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. The article
is based on a lecture delivered at the Association of Indian Diplomats,
Sapru House, New Delhi.
A Nuclear-Weapons-Free World
that one can say on the current debate on the issue is to quote President
Barack Obama’s Prague speech where he admitted, “Maybe it will not happen
in our lifetime.” He was talking about his own lifetime and he is in his
late forties. …Therefore, we have to take into account that the probability
of seeing a world without nuclear weapons is not very bright, not only
during our generation, perhaps even during the next generation.
The author, a former Ambassador of India to Italy, was the
leader of the Indian delegation to the 1998 Diplomatic Plenipotentiary
Conference at Rome which negotiated the ICC Statute.
International Criminal Court: Should India Continue to Stay Out?
serious are Indian concerns at being politically targeted in the ICC if it
joined? This was the primary reason for the strong opposition of the armed forces
and security authorities to India supporting the ICC. … Even if India is
not ready to join, it should move towards a posture of constructive
engagement with the ICC.
V.S. SESHADRI: The
author is a member of the Indian Foreign Service. The article, however,
reflects his personal views and not necessarily those of the government.
Diplomacy Challenges in the New Decade
is too early to predict if India’s growth during the new decade will
significantly change its place in the world order. To be sure, India’s
current efforts are not really directed at becoming a No. 2 or No. 3
economy in the world, but more at bringing the benefits of development to
all its people and to eradicate poverty among its citizens at the earliest.
CHINTAMANI MAHAPATRA: Professor
of American Studies Programme, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi.
States and the Emerging Balance of Power in Asia
the era of unbridled US hegemony in Asia appears to be ending, the new balance
of power is yet to crystallize. It will perhaps take quite a while before a
durable new Asian balance of power is in place. But the indications of a
new era in the making are discernible. What are the distinguishing features
of this new era? Who are the new main players in Asian politics and
economics? What will be their equations with the United States?
MISHRA: Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian
and Discord in India-China Relationship: Key to the Future of South and
Cs characterize the Sino-Indian relationship, namely, Conflict,
Cooperation, Competition and Containment. … Objectively, both would help
themselves well if they cooperate. But the aspiration to great-power status
and the historical issues seem to weigh heavy on their minds.
Association: A Mission Extraordinaire
Vinod C. Khanna, the First Director General of the India-Taipei
Association, the de facto Indian Mission to Taiwan, narrates the nuances in
India’s diplomatic undertaking there. He states: The first and most
important thing is that it was an unusual mission. It was not like any
other diplomatic mission. This was entirely different because I was not
there as India’s accredited envoy to a sovereign state. .... Evolving the
precise relationship with the Taiwanese government was a delicate matter.
.... The problem was how to ensure an optimal middle path – have a
productive relationship with the local government without giving it
Debate: Exceptionalism and the Bomb by Priyanjali Malik
D. SANTISHREE PANDIT
Towards India: A Post Cold War Study by Amulya Kumar Tripathy and Rabi
Democracy in Bangladesh by Sreeradha Dutta
History of Bangladesh by Willem Van Schendel
Vol 5, No. 3 Jul - Sep 2010
Russia and the Shift in Global Balance Of Power
Professor, Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International
Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Russia Matter in India’s Foreign Policy?:
foreign policy is in transition and the debate on how it can leverage its
foreign policy to improve its international position is inconclusive.
Russia can still provide a viable alternative, where India should maintain
its choices. India’s ambition and potential for great-power status will
require Russian support. Building regional alliances, and being proactive
in organizations like the SCO and CICA are sure roads for broadening the
Indo-Russian relation into a broader regional multilateral one as a factor
in multipolarity. India cannot be in search of a shadowy concept of great
power which is subordinate to the US superpower in critical areas.
Editor, Geopolitics magazine, New Delhi.
logical ... for India to cultivate and nurture its relationship with Russia
in the context of historical experience, current policy orientations and
tangible mutuality of interests and mutual benefits in the foreseeable
future. Realism requires that Russia remains a country of top priority in
India’s external dealings. To borrow a Russian proverb, “old friends are
better than new ones.” of power.
Director (Research) Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
Catalyst for India’s Military Industrial Complex:
the occasional setbacks, both India and Russia have conveyed to the
international community that their time-tested relationship has deep
foundations and they respect each other’s national interests. The military
cooperation has transformed from simple sale of weaponry from Russia to
India to joint development of new technologies, weapon systems and
platforms. India stands to benefit immensely from the Russian military
market, which can act as a catalyst for the augmentation of India’s
military industrial complex.
Stuenkel: Visiting Professor of
International Relations, University of Săo Paulo (USP), Brazil, and Fellow
at the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), Berlin, Germany.
The Case for Stronger
Brazil’s efforts to fortify its relations
with India are part of a broader goal to strengthen ties with other
developing nations. South-South diplomacy has been a hallmark of the Lula
administration. While it would be simplistic to reduce Brazil-India ties to
the personal predilection of Brazil’s current President, it is true that it
is under President Lula that the Brazilian government’s efforts to engage
with India have reached a historic high. As Lula is preparing his political
exit, it is India’s responsibility to preserve his legacy and make the
Panda and Shamshad A. Khan:
Senior Fellow and Research Assistant, respectively, at the Institute for
Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
China and the South China
Sea: Future Power Projections
China’s rise, both economically and
militarily, has aroused serious academic curiosity in Asia, US and Europe.
China has already replaced Japan as the world’s second-biggest economic
power and aspires to replace the US as No. 1. In its race towards economic
prosperity, China has tried to extend its sphere of influence across the
globe by investment strategies in resource projects and port development
activities. By asserting claims on territories in its neighbourhood where
other countries too have competing claims, it has generated fear. Debate
centering on whether China’s rise is peaceful and benign or pregnant with
uncertainties remains inconclusive. China’s cooperation with “rogue states”
such as North Korea or clandestine deals with Pakistan raise uncomfortable
Kundu: Research Fellow, Indian
Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
Geopolitical and Economic
Significance of Central Eurasia - Indian Perspective
India’s relation with Central Eurasia is
very strong mainly because of its civilizational links with the region.
India has deep interest in the region as it lies in its extended
neighbourhood and also due to its security concerns and energy
requirements. India maintains a relatively high profile in the region
because of its longstanding special relationship with the erstwhile Soviet
Union and its links with Central Eurasia in terms of age-old trade and
economic relations through the Silk Route. Research interest in Central
Eurasia has grown over the past few years in India, including their
nationalism policy, their civil society organizations and urban development.
India has been active in Central Eurasia, although China was quicker off
the mark in developing a close relationship with post-Soviet Central
Manoharan: Senior Fellow, Centre for
Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi.
Lanka Relations - With Lions, Without Tigers
Post-LTTE India-Sri Lanka relations have
reached an unprecedented level of depth and quality. The violent phase of
the ethnic conflict in the island that stood as a constant source of
irritation in the bilateral relations has ended with the military defeat of
the LTTE. The ethnic issue, however, lingers on. India has time and again
conveyed its willingness to do whatever is required for satisfactory
resolution of the ethnic question that meets the sentiments of all the
communities of Sri Lanka. Not limiting itself to voicing its concerns, New
Delhi should make sure that Colombo seriously moves forward in resolving
the ethnic issue at the earliest. Simultaneously, India should constantly
provide resources required for the resettlement of the IDPs in the short
term and invest in the economic development of the war-ravaged northeast of
Sri Lanka. This will not only ensure that another armed conflict does not
occur, but also open up immense economic opportunities for India.
PILLAI RAJAGOPALAN: Senior Fellow at the
Institute of Security Studies (ISS), Observer Research Foundation, New
Drivers of Obama’s AfPak
Policy - An Indian View
Minister Manmohan Singh’s November 2009 meeting with President Barack Obama
was all about China, his April 2010 meeting was almost entirely focused on
AfPak and Indo-Pak issues. These issues gained a fresh lease particularly
after a leaked report by the Wall Street Journal (5 April 2010) of a secret
directive issued by Obama which sought a resolution of the Indo-Pak issue
without which the US would not be able to get full cooperation from
Pakistan in the global war on terror (GWOT), particularly in Afghanistan.
The report noted that the directive “concluded that India must make
resolving its tensions with Pakistan a priority for progress to be made on
US goals in the region.” Obama’s conviction that finding a solution to the
Kashmir issue is almost a prerequisite for getting Pakistan’s support for
GWOT worries India.
Representing India during the Vietnam
P. K. Budhwar
Prem Kumar Budhwar was a young Indian Foreign Service officer doing his
posting in North Vietnam in the early 1970’s. He manned the small Indian diplomatic
mission almost all alone and saw through many things at the height of war
in Vietnam and India’s relations with that country.
ISHANI NASKAR, Department of Political
Science, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata
Subir Bhaumik, Troubled Periphery: Crisis of India’s
North East, (New Delhi:
Sage, 2009), Pages: 305, Price: Rs. 695.00
VISHNU PRIYA, Reader in Political
Science, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi
Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking
India’s Foreign Policy, (New
Delhi: Sage, 2009), Pages: xx+317, Price: Rs. 595.00.
Foreign Policy: The Democracy Dimension, (Delhi: Foundation Books,
2009), Pages: vii+178,
Associate, National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi
K.V. Kesavan and Daljit
Singh, eds, South and Southeast
Asia: Responding to Changing Geo-Political and Security Challenges,
(New Delhi: Knowledge World, 2010), Pages: 166, Price: Rs. 440.00.
Vol 5, No.
4 Oct - Dec 2010
Scenarios in Nepal
K MEHTA: Former commander of the
Indian Peace Keeping Forces in Sri Lanka, frequent commentator on Nepal and
Current Impasse is a Betrayal by Maoists
Nepal’s peace process,
it seems, has been held hostage by the commanding majority of 238 Maoist
lawmakers in the Constituent Assembly. Is the current impasse betrayal by
Maoists of the peace process? The simplistic answer is yes. But the
situation could have been less bad had the political parties acted more
responsibly in the run-up to the elections and after. India, which was the
catalyst to the political process, mishandled the Maoists, failing to
address their insecurities. …
NISHCHAL N. PANDEY: Director, Centre for
South Asian Studies, Kathmandu
The Change of
Generation Need to be Grasped by Policymakers
Almost all salient
aspects of India-Nepal relations of the last five decades are under
scrutiny by both the political parties and parliament, whether it is the open
border system, agreement on water resources or the Treaty of Peace and
Friendship of 1950. The challenges and opportunities emanating from this
change of generation not only in Nepal but also in India need to be grasped
by policymakers of both countries. …
K. V. RAJAN: Former Secretary of the
Ministry of External Affairs and was also Ambassador to Nepal
India to Accept Maoists as Important
India has no option but
to accept the fact that the Maoists will be important political players in Nepal
for the foreseeable future, and this grim reality cannot be wished away.
Their cooperation in saving the peace process and writing of the
Constitution is indispensable. India is in any case conscious of its
limitations in trying to influence the course of events in that country.
India cannot replace, or be seen as replacing, its earlier “two-pillar”
policy (of supporting the constitutional monarchy and multi-party
democracy) with a new twin-pillar approach which bars the Maoists from a
second chance in the power structure and restricts Nepal from expanding its
relations with China.
SWASHPAWAN SINGH: Former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the
United Nations Office, Geneva
Politics of Multilateralism: The Geneva Story
The UN has grown in size, the
scope of issues it addresses, its geographic spread, the number of
conferences and meetings organized and the number of personnel it employs:
but its effectiveness and ability to deliver remain a matter of concern.
The need for reform is widely recognized: several efforts have been made to
change methods of work, procedures, financing arrangements, delivery
mechanisms and accountability criteria. But the outcomes have been less
than satisfactory: the required structural and systemic reform has still to
R. IYER: Formerly Secretary Water
Resources, Government of India and the initiator and principal draftsman of
India’s first National Water Policy in 1987)
There are a number of perspectives
on water. What dominated initially was engineering; then it was engineering
plus economics. Now, we have to subordinate both engineering and economics
to ecology and social justice. Combining ecology and social justice in one
overarching perspective, we might call it dharma (responsibility) –
responsibility to other people, other groups, other countries, future
generations, to nature. Some might say this is unrealistic: what then is
PULIPAKA: Fellow at the Maulana Abul Kalam
Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata
in Myanmar: Implications for India
Apart from institutional
diversity, India will have to deal with consequences that emanate from the
electoral performance of the ethnic parties. Sub-regional ethnic parties
have also made their presence felt. The long-term implications of the
emergence of ethnic parties in the electoral arena of Myanmar need to be
studied in greater detail, especially given that these ethnic parties have
been articulating their ethnic identities and the need for political
processes to protect and promote them. …
MEHROTRA: Formerly Secretary in India’s
Ministry of External Affairs and the United Nations Envoy in Cambodia and
Asia: A way Forward
We cannot face the world with just
pride and dignity unless we eliminate the hydra of poverty that stalks our
region. Each country of our region has the responsibility to concentrate on
this theme individually and in concert with regional partners. SAARC should
take the lead in promoting collaborative efforts to achieve poverty
alleviation. It should be possible for SAARC member states to spare a
proportion of their national allocations to meet the challenge of poverty
for SAARC’s collaborative efforts to that end. …
D. SHARMA: Professor, University of San
Nuclear Deal: The Saga of the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill
No doubt, the efficacy of India’s
legislation on civil liability for nuclear damages will ultimately be
determined by the nuclear industry, both international and domestic. The
yardstick will be the cost of doing business in India. Even the Nuclear
Power Corporation of India, responsible for operating the country’s nuclear
reactors, as well as the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and
Industry (FICCI) have pointed out that under legislation the cost of
producing nuclear power will be higher in India as the suppliers must have
hefty insurance to cover their liabilities. …
The (Hi)story of one Lakh Visas
MANI SHANKAR AIYAR
Mani Shankar Aiyar, former member of
the Indian Foreign Service, former Minister in the Union Cabinet and at
present a member of the upper house of the Indian Parliament, was tasked
with the assignment of opening India’s Consulate General in Karachi in
December 1978, after the Assistant High Commission had been closed down in
December 1971 during the Bangladesh war. He recounts here his experiences
as India’s Consul General, including the decision to issue hundreds of
visas every day, his interaction with the people and leadership of
Pakistan, and reflections on India-Pakistan relations in those years.
Rajaram Panda and Pankaj Jha - Eds, India
and New Zealand: Emerging Challenges
Hermann Kulke, K. Kesavapany and
Vijay Sakhuja, Nagapatnam to
Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on Chola Naval Expeditions to South East Asia
Bob Woodward, Obama’s War – The Inside Story
Harsh V. Pant, Indian
Foreign Policy in a Unipolar World